William Watson writes for the Fraser Institute’s Fraser Forum about what constitutes a “Public Good” vs. a Private Good. He draws on research which challenges the conventional notion that public goods should and must be funded by governments (with taxpayer dollars) because private entities don’t have any incentive to fund these things. This includes a liberty-oriented alternative to protectionism – e.g., patents and copyrights – of intellectual property: “Similarly, economist David Levine, a professor at Washington University in St. Louis, argues that intellectual property, which is conventionally thought to be a public good, does not need protection via patents and copyrights, the traditional means of providing artists and inventors with the legal monopoly power to charge others for the use of their ideas.”
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Marci McDonald's conspiracy theory on Canada’s "Christian Right"104
Click here to read what appears to be a lengthy excerpt from Marci McDonald’s book, “The Armageddon Factor: The Rise of Christian Nationalism in Canada,” due to be released Monday. One of the many illustrations of the absurdity of Ms. McDonald’s conspiracy theories is her labeling of the Canadian Constitution Foundation as a “Christian advocacy group.” One of CCF’s leading representatives and in-house lawyers is outspoken atheist libertarian, Karen Selick. How much credibility is Random House Canada going to get for publishing this book? The Toronto Star – May 7, 2010 How Canada’s Christian right was built From Stephen Harper’s refusal to fund abortion as part of his G8 initiative to the outcry that forced the cancellation of Ontario’s sex ed curriculum, the religious right is making its growing muscle felt on the political landscape. In a new book called By Marci McDonald From the moment I began this book, I was confronted by skeptics who insist that a truly influential religious right could never take root in Canada. For some, that denial seemed like an exercise in wishful thinking, a refusal to face the possibility that the idea of the country they cherish — liberal, tolerant, and not given to extremes of action or belief — might not be in sync with the changing reality. Others argued that if a Christian right did exist here it would have burst fully formed on to the political scene, a carbon copy of that in the U.S. — raucous and confrontational, openly pulling the strings of the Conservative party and captained by outspoken television preachers with millions of viewers ready to respond to their bidding. But the American movement has had more than three decades to take shape and flourish; by the time scholars and the mainstream media noticed, it had already infiltrated nearly every level of government from school boards to the Senate, often by stealth. In this country, where the CRTC has kept the reins on religious broadcasting and Catholics make up a larger proportion of the faith community, the emergent Christian right may look and sound different than its American counterpart, but in the five years since the prospect of same-sex marriage propelled evangelicals into political action, it has spawned a coalition of advocacy groups, think tanks and youth lobbies that have changed the national debate. The “sleeping giant” that Capital Xtra! magazine had warned against in 2005 is now up and about, organizing with a vengeance that will not be easily reversed. As Faytene Kryskow, leader of Christian youth lobby called 4MYCanada, told a parliamentary reception, “We are here, and we are here to stay.” With funding from a handful of conservative Christian philanthropists and a web of grassroots believers accustomed to tithing in the service of their faith, those organizations have built sophisticated databases and online networks capable of mobilizing their forces behind specific legislation with instant e-mail alerts and updates. Setting up an array of internship programs, they are also training a new generation of activists to be savvier than their secular peers in navigating the corridors of power. Already, their alumni have landed top jobs in the public service, MPs’ offices and the PMO, prompting one official from the National House of Prayer to boast in an unguarded moment, “If the media knew how many Christians there are in the government, they’d go crazy.” Click here to read what appears to be a lengthy excerpt from Marci McDonald’s book. ...
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"Toronto Pride" is "child abuse"63
By Ron Gray Xtra’s article shows nude men in the ‘Gay’ Pride Parade. This has been happening for four or five years. The first time, the police arrested the naked men, but a homosexual Crown counsel in Toronto conspired to have the charges stayed, on the spurious grounds that they were “not naked” — they were wearing shoes! It’s this sort of sophistry that brings the law and Canada’s ‘justice’ system into disrepute. At the same time, a pro-life activist like Don Spratt — who went into Vancouver’s ‘Bubble Zone’ with tape over his mouth, to illustrate that the Supreme Court refused to defend his Section 2 Charter rights — gets put in jail for trying to be a voice for the most helpless among us. Shameful! Quite understandably, in subsequent years the Toronto police didn’t bother to arrest naked men in the shameful ‘Pride’ parade: why should they waste their time when Crown counsel will not pursue an open-and-shut case? Many Torontonians now take their children to see the parade; this is outright child abuse. Yes, the federal government is contributing to criminal actions. Why? because our supposedly “Christian” Prime Minister and high-profile “Christian” Minister of State lack the guts to say “No!” to bureaucrats and political advisors who tell them such acts of betrayal will gain public support. • The Prime Minister has made the Conservative government the defender of the abortion industry. • His government has introduced the most extravagant budget in Canadian history, adding to the burden that will have to be repaid by our children and grandchildren. (And the Liberals and NDP criticize them for not spending enough!) The men and women now sitting in the two chambers of Parliament apparently don’t understand that buying votes today with money that belongs to future generations is theft. • They are anti-life, anti-family, and anti-thrift and antinomian. If the Christians who stayed at home during the last election had gone to the ballot-box to vote for the CHP, we would have about 60 CHP Members of Parliament to call the government to account for this kind of criminal behaviour. So whose fault is it? It’s ours! We lack the conviction to “throw the rascals out”! Ron Gray is the past leader of the Christian Heritage Party. ...
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Transgendered Teacher Files Rights Complaint Against Alberta Catholic School Board63
The latest battle between an embittered, activist teacher and a faith-based educational institution in Alberta, a transgendered substitute teacher has filed a human rights complaint against the Greater St. Albert Catholic School Board. Janet Buterman, 39, claims she was dismissed by the school board because she was undergoing a sex change. The Catholic school board argues the procedure is in conflict with Catholic values. Buterman filed the complaint the same day Alberta formally includes sexual orientation into its provincial Human Rights Act. The complaint is just the latest attack against freedom of religious expression and conviction in the province – similar precedent-setting cases involve Red Deer pastor Stephen Boissoin’s current Court of Queen’s Bench appeal against the Alberta Human Rights Tribunal and chemistry instructor Delwin Vriend’s 1991 battle against King’s College over a dismissal regarding Vriend’s sexual orientation. The Vriend dispute led to a Supreme Court appeal, pitting Vriend against the province. The court ruled in Vriend’s favour, resulting in the province’s current Bill 44 efforts to enshrine sexual orientation into its provincial Human Rights Act. ...
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God's covenant slices through false OT/NT divisions58
Read this article online here. American Vision – Feb. 26, 2010 The Unity of the Covenants By Joel McDurmon The publication of the first volume (927 pages!) of Joseph Morecraft, III’s Authentic Christianity: A Exposition of the Theology and Ethics of the Westminster Larger Catechism provides us with a healthy review of classical Reformed covenant theology. As such, it gives us important perspectives and a good occasion to approach covenant theology today. Against those who would draw rigid or overly-stark lines between the Old and New Testaments, or between, say, the Abrahamic Covenant (representing “faith”) and the Mosaic Covenant (“works”), Morecraft illustrates that the purposes, promises, framework, and message remains fundamentally the same throughout the various Covenants in the Bible. As such, a single central focus of creating a grace-based community continues through all the permutations of the covenant: God’s promise to his people – “I will be your God” – is the focus of the patriarchs (Gen, 17:7, 8), Israel’s faith under Moses’ leadership (Ex. 20:2; 29:45; Deut. 5:2, 3), Israel’s faith in Babylon (Jer. 24:7; 30:22; Ezek. 11:20), Israel’s faith after Babylon (Zech. 13:9), believers’ faith in the New Testament (2 Cor. 6:6; Heb. 8:10), and of life in heaven (Rev. 21:3).[1] Morecraft shows how God’s covenant gives the Bible a unifying framework through the unity that exists between the successive versions of the Covenant of Grace. He writes, An obvious unity exists between the Abrahamic Covenant (Genesis 12:1–3; 17), the Mosaic Covenant (Exodus 19–24), and the Davidic Covenant (2 Sam. 7). This unity is evident in (1) The history and experience of God’s people from Abraham to David, and (2) The development of the covenants genealogically, in the line of continued generations.[2] Morecraft goes on to explicate these two lines of evidence. The explanation includes a panoramic Bible study well worth sitting down and reading through. First, he offers the biblical evidence regarding the history and experience of God’s people, showing how each of the covenants (often taught as completely separate today) intertwine with, comprehend, and repeat each other: we see that the Exodus and the possession of Canaan are fulfillments of the Abrahamic Covenant (Ex. 2:24; 6:4–8); the history of Israel after Mt. Sinai under Moses continues to focus on the divine promises to Abraham (Ex.32:13, 14; Gen. 15:18; Ex. 23:31; Josh. 1:3); the Mosaic Covenant is rooted in the Abrahamic Covenant (Ex. 6:1–8; Deut. 1:1–8; Ex. 32:13; Ps. 105:8–10; Lev. 26:42); the Mosaic Covenant in no way annulled or interrupted the Abrahamic Covenant (Gal. 3:17); the Davidic Covenant is rooted in the Abrahamic (2 Sam. 7:8–16; 23:5; 1 Chron. 16:15–18), and is a development of the Mosaic (2 Sam. 7:6, 23; 1 Kings 2:3–4). The centralization of worship under David was anticipated by Moses (Deut. 12:5, 11, 14, 18); and the bringing of the ark to Jerusalem connected with the coronation of the king and the establishment of God’s throne was in fulfillment of the Abrahamic Covenant (1 Chron. 16:15–18).[3] Each of these covenants builds on and assumes the others, each one requiring measures of faith alone, works flowing from faith unto life, and containing various material blessings. This same idea appears in the “seed” principle that began with Adam, runs through Abraham, through the Mosaic “seed” separation laws, and all the way up to Christ. Morecraft explains: God’s covenant arrangements run in a genealogical line as is evident from the “seed” concept (Gen. 15:18; Ex. 20:5, 6; Deut. 5:2, 3; 7:9; 2 Sam. 7:12). David’s son is heir to the promises to Moses and Abraham. (See also Deut. 29:14–15; Ps. 105:8–10; Isa. 59:21; Acts 3:25.) Deuteronomy 7:9 shows us that covenant promises extend to one thousand generations, not only reminding us that this is an eternal covenant, but also that it involves a continuous succession of generations.[4] And this type of unity does not only exist among the different installments of the covenant in the Old Testament, it runs right through the New as well: An obvious unity also exists between the Old Testament covenants and the New Covenant in Christ.[5] The New Covenant may be understood in no other way than as the realization and fulfillment of the projections and promises of the Old Testament covenants. Jeremiah 31:31–34 and 32:39–41 show the intertwining of the Abrahamic and Mosaic Covenants in the New Covenant (Heb. 8:6–13). Ezekiel 34:20–31 shows the intertwining of the Davidic Covenant and the New Covenant. And Ezekiel 37:24–26 combines all three – the Abrahamic, Mosaic, Davidic – in the New Covenant. (See also Luke 22:20; 1 Cor. 11:25; Heb. 8:6–13; 10:15–18; 2 Cor. 1:20). Everything that happens to God’s people happens because of God’s Covenant promises, laws or sanctions. Morecraft teaches the “Covenant of God” for over 175 pages in his magnum opus, covering every facet of classical Reformed covenant theology in Westminster Standards-style depth and precision. The difference between Morecraft’s work and that of the Westminster Assembly’s (1643–1646) is that we didn’t have to ask Morecraft to go back and add the Scriptural proofs – he supplied them up front. His 175-page treatment of the Covenants, while not necessarily a full-fledged “Covenant Theology,” could nevertheless be published as a stand-alone book on the subject and be received as a very helpful guide by itself. I have taken the time only to relate Morecraft’s treatment of the unity of the Covenants. He treats the differences as well, but today the Unity needs stressing more than ever. There is a growing trend today – built on the innovative and dispensational-like “covenant” theology of the late Meredith Kline – to maintain a sharp divide between the Mosaic covenant (“works”) and the New Testament (“grace”). While Paul does speak allegorically and in application with these terms on occasion, he usually does so for very limited and particular purposes – for example, to counter those “Judaizers” who wished to impose things like circumcision and the Jewish calendar as necessary terms for salvation. But this application is a far cry from the modern efforts to completely deny continuity of the Ten Commandments (along with their social and civil applications) and the New Testament, to argue that Christians should keep absolutely silent in the public square, and to deny that biblical law should inform public policies. Nothing could be further from the teachings across the Bible. By showing the essential unity of the Covenants – including the law of the Covenants – Morecraft gives us a helpful study in countering the radical modern expression of this “two kingdoms” error. Endnotes: [1] Joseph C. Morecraft, III, Authentic Christianity: An Exposition of the Theology and Ethics of the Westminster Larger Catechism, 5 vol. (Powder Springs, GA: Minkoff Family Publishing and American Vision Press, 2009), 1:696. [2] Morecraft, Authentic Christianity, 1:702. [3] Morecraft, Authentic Christianity, 1:702–703. [4] Morecraft, Authentic Christianity, 1:703. [5] There is even a clear unity of the Adamic and Noahic Covenants with the New Covenant (Gen. 8:22; Rom. 16:20; Gen. 3:15). ...
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November 13, 2009
The link for “Read article here” is not working.
November 14, 2009
2nd time in a week, Ian. Don’t know what it is with the dead link. Here’s the text of the article:
The term “public goods” is one of the most misunderstood
in economics. One misinterpretation
is that it is synonymous with “the public good,”
which is what governments are supposed to pursue but
which they so often seem to lose sight of. Another is that
“public goods” are goods and services supplied by the
public sector. There are many publicly provided goods
and services, but relatively few are “public goods”; the
great majority are “private goods.”
So what do economists mean by “public goods”? We use
the term to refer to goods (or services) characterized
by a particular set of technical characteristics—namely,
that people can consume them jointly and cannot be excluded
from consuming
them, or at least
can only be excluded
at a substantial cost.
The classic example is
a lighthouse. You and I could both get our bearings from
the same lighthouse at the same time and your doing so
would not reduce the usefulness of the lighthouse to me.
Moreover, it would be hard to exclude people from using
the lighthouse as anyone sailing by could use it simply
by looking at it. The lighthouse owner could not put a
turnstile on the ocean and prevent sailors from looking
at the lighthouse unless they paid a fee. If he wanted
to exclude others from using the lighthouse, he would
probably need to have a navy at his disposal.
Compare this idea of a “public good” with the idea of a
“private good.” A hamburger is an excellent example of
a private good. The hamburger you eat is not available
to me to consume. Our consumption is not and cannot
be joint. If we are both to have a hamburger, then there
must be two—one for each of us. If we share a hamburger,
then we each only get some fraction of it. We cannot
both get a whole hamburger out of the experience. Plus,
it is relatively easy to exclude someone from eating a
hamburger. McDonald’s does it every day. If you don’t
pay, you don’t get a Big Mac.
Are there many “public goods” like the lighthouse? Many
economists would argue that knowledge is a public good.
Your knowing that 2 + 2 = 4 does not prevent me knowing
it too, and it would be hard for anyone to exclude
others from that knowledge; word about 2 + 2 = 4 could
get around easily. Anyone who claimed the right to that
knowledge and tried to police it would have a hard time
doing so.
National defense is often thought to be a public good. If
an army defends a city, it defends everyone in the city,
whether or not they have helped pay for the army. Most
armies simply do not have the technology to let enemy
shells fall on districts that have not paid their defense
tax, but block barrages
on districts that have.
If some people within a
district have paid their
tax and others have not,
exclusion becomes impossible.
The army cannot defend the citizens who have
paid their taxes and not defend those who are in arrears
(unlike a fire department, for example, which could put
out fires in houses whose owners are fully paid up and
not put out fires in homes whose owners elected not to
pay their taxes).
Most things are a matter of degree, of course. In some
cases of joint consumption, the consumption experience
of various people is not exactly the same. For example,
we could both see the same play at the same time but it
is unlikely that we would sit in the same seat. You may
be front row center and I may have to sit in the balcony.
Or I may have a short theater patron in front of me and
therefore enjoy a completely unobstructed view, while
you may have a seat behind someone who is very tall.
In the same way, the ability to exclude isn’t zero to one—
either perfectly costless or completely impossible—but
is usually a question of cost. The formula for the world’s
most famous soft drink probably is not that much more
complicated than 2 + 2 = 4, but at considerable expense
William Watson
PUBLIC GOODS
How should they be provided?
http://www.fraseramerica.org Fraser Forum 11/09 31
to itself, the Coca-Cola company has managed to keep it
a secret for more than a century. Over-the-air television
signals can be jointly consumed by millions of people at
once, but it is possible, also at some expense, to exclude
those who have not paid a fee. For example, the British
government finances the British Broadcasting Corporation
with a license fee charged to every television set
owner (currently ?135.50 for a color TV), and it has at
times policed the fee—at great cost, presumably—by
having agents in signal-detecting trucks drive through
neighborhoods trying to uncover TV-signal poaching
by people who have not paid for a license.
How public goods should be provided is the question
about them that worries economists most. In the past,
academics believed that the free market would not
provide any public goods, or would provide a smaller number than was optimal. Why would anyone provide a
lighthouse, for instance, if they could not charge people
for its use? The obvious corollary was that only governments
could or would provide public goods.
That notion was overturned by University of Chicago
economist and 1991 Nobel Prize-winner the late Ronald
Coase, who, in a characteristically exhaustive article in
1974, traced the history of private lighthouses. He found
that people with important shipping interests would
provide for the safe passage of their ships even if this
enabled other people to steer by their lighthouses too.
Similarly, economist David Levine, a professor at Washington
University in St. Louis, argues that intellectual
property, which is conventionally thought to be a public
good, does not need protection via patents and copyrights,
the traditional means of providing artists and inventors
with the legal monopoly power to charge others
for the use of their ideas. In his obviously controversial
view, the sometimes substantial cost of using another
person’s inventions acts as natural protection for the income
those ideas can generate, while the head start that
innovators have on their competitors is another source
of commercial advantage. Not surprisingly, you can read
Professor Levine’s book on intellectual property for free
online; he has chosen not to try to exclude readers from
its benefits by charging them for it.
In the 1950s and 1960s, most economists thought that
if public goods were not provided by governments, then
they would not be provided at all. Thinking and research
since then suggest that there may be many cases—examples
include roads, parks, lighthouses and, Professor
Levine would argue, intellectual property—where the
market does a perfectly good job of providing public
goods. Even in some of these areas, government may
not be as crucial as is often thought.
Suggestions for further reading
Boldrin, Michele, and David Levine (2008). Against Intellectual
Property. Cambridge University Press.
Coase, Ronald (1974). The Lighthouse in Economics. Journal
of Law and Economics 17, 2: 357–76.
Schmidtz, David (1991). The Limits of Government: An Essay
on the Public Goods Argument. Westview Press.
*Key Concepts is a series of essays on the fundamentals of economics and markets. In addition to appearing in Fraser Forum, these
essays will form the basis of a live Ask the Professor discussion, held at http://www.fraserinstitute.org each month.
Please join us on November 25 at 11:00 am Pacific time for an online discussion of this essay with Prof. William Watson.